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Analysis
Executive Summary Introduction The history of the Indian Subcontinent itself has dictated the course of political affairs in Kashmir. Partition at 1947 was based on the principle of Mohhamed Ali Jinnah’s erroneous Two Nation Theory, the folly of which was perceived as well as established during the Bangladesh War of 1971. The Radcliffe Line was drawn on the basis of Hindu dominated and Muslim dominated territories, and that was how Bengal and Punjab were divided. But Kashmir was a different issue, as Maharaja Hari Singh signed an Instrument of Accession with India to voluntarily opt for inclusion of Kashmir within sovereign Indian territory. His act incited Pakistan to send hanadars backed by the Pakistani Army to invade Kashmir. And so India was compelled to fight the first ever Indo-Pak War of 1948. As such the
ethnographic and demographic composition of Kashmir is rather
complicated. The Hindu Pandits used to stay in Jammu, the Muslims in the
Kashmir Valley and the Buddhists in Ladakh. So the political inclination
of the Kashmiris has always remained a wide open question. The political
blunder that Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru committed during the
military engagement of 1948 was to issue orders asking the advancing
Indian Army to stop short of Lahore. Nehru then referred this issue to
the Security Council of the United Nations and paved the way to convert
a bilateral regional issue into an international agenda of South Asian
peace and security. This prompted both the United States of America and
the hitherto Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to take an active
interest in the Kashmir issue. Kashmir soon
became an international hotspot like Palestine where everyone with open
or concealed national interest could afford to play important or
insinuating roles, depending on the military potentialities involved. So
the Pandora’s Box has been finally opened in Kashmir, and the series of
military engagements of 1948, 1965, 1971 and Kargil has only remained as
a historic vindication of the blunders committed during Independence and
Partition in 1947. Those who do not learn from history are most likely
condemned to repeat it, and this is noticed in today’s proxy wars
between these two South Asian neighbors who have not yet been able to
entirely resolve the fundamental problems of poverty, food security,
basic amenities of life, primary education, population explosion,
literacy, nutrition, human rights, gender empowerment, child rights,
civil liberties and participatory democracy. It is clear by now that the
USA will never step out to support India unconditionally in its war
against terror, as it requires Pakistan to maintain the geo-strategic
balance of power in South Asia. And India’s foreign policy in this
region has always been informed by both muddle and meddle. While India
wanted to support lesser neighbors like Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal and
Maldives, the charge of Big Brother like political interference has been
leveled against the largest democracy of the world. Even Bangladesh,
whose Independence was earned by India by defeating the Pakistani Army,
has started campaigning against India by sponsoring cross-border
terrorism in tandem with Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence. The
tragedy is that India, by trying to please everybody in South Asia, has
ended up by pleasing nobody. Pandit Nehru’s Pancha Sheel doctrine
of foreign policy built upon non-interference and peaceful coexistence
has led to the image of India as the regional bully who behaves in an
irresponsible manner strengthened by her nuclear capability. It is clear
by now that India’s foreign policy stance should be independent of the
issue of Pakistan. Indian diplomacy at the global level should be
informed by the country’s status as a major economic power that is
developing fast on the basis of superior technology and skilled
manpower. Global respect for India’s resources has to be consolidated in
the country’s pursuit for lasting peace in South Asia. Jacques
Derrida’s theory of hospitality has emerged in recent times as a
comparatively new organon to understand and project existing realities
and innovative models of international relations theory. Derrida has
proposed that in this post-postmodern world there are no fixed
ideologies, movements, meanings or even theories. Everything is in a
state of constant and dynamic flux when signifiers and signifieds
continuously proceed in a continuum of difference that ties to resolve
the uncoordinated tension between actions and their implications or
interpretations. So the Ghost is actually a construct of undefined
potentialities that need to be accommodated and assimilated by the Host
in order to derive insights into the unknown and unmapped eventualities
of future relationships. The Host has to negotiate with the Ghost in the
context of an unknown regime of discourse that would in turn be informed
by meanings and implications and actions of situation-specific and
context-driven imperatives. The Ghost is the Specter, and Derrida has
invoked the ghost metaphor from William Shakespeare’s Hamlet Prince of
Denmark to institutionalize the beginning assumptions of his critical
theory. The Specter is known or not known for its quality of Spectrality
that again is an arrangement of exciting possibilities for which the
Host has to be prepared in order to establish an interactive dialogic
culture vis-à-vis the Ghost. We now
propose to read the basic tenets of Derrida’s fascinating theory into
the tragic history of Indo-Pak relationship from which neither country
has benefited but has suffered considerably on so many counts. Each
country is a classic example of a State Nation ie the State was
politically and legally created first before the Nation could muster
around itself the psychological and cultural baggage of oneness cohered
by collective memories and concerted intellectual efforts and actions.
India and Pakistan are the Ghost and Host and vice versa ie each country
approaches the other as an unknown quantity that has to be negotiated in
the light of new polemics and revised pedagogy. The historic blunder of
Jinnah’s Two Nation Theory was exposed during 1971 when the Indian Army
had to enter East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) to liberate it from the
torture and atrocities of the Khan Sena or the West Pakistani Army. What
is to be noticed in this context is that the Pathans and Punjabi Muslims
of West Pakistan had raped and butchered Bengali Muslims of East
Pakistan though the oppressor and the oppressed shared the same religion
and identical citizenship. So religion cannot possibly unite all the
while. The next possibilities are religion, ethnicity and culture. West
Bengal and Bangladesh generally speak the same language, read the same
literature and listen to the same music. But debates over River Ganga
distribution and infiltration of insurgents working in tandem with
Pakistan continue to be irksome realities. Inbound and outbound illegal
migrations across the porous international border is yet another
contentious issue. So the
dialectics and dialogues between the Ghost-Host and Host-Ghost are
rather critical in order to pinpoint areas of common concern that may be
resolved by exercising working modalities of consensus. More trade and
commerce, more rail and road and air and water traffic, more cultural
missions, more Hindi films made in Bollywood, more cricket diplomacy,
more areas of common interest where people converge out of their own
compulsions and predatory market instincts and so on and so forth …
These are only the first faltering steps towards that great bone of
contention called Kashmir. President Bhutto once had declared that
Pakistanis would eat grass for one thousand years if they have to
reclaim Kashmir! And consider the history of uneven diplomacy and lack
of trust between the two neighbors. Bhutto retuned from the Shimla
Agreement with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi only to start eating fire
even when India had released the Pakistani Prisoners of War and retuned
the Pak territories captured during the Bangladesh War. President Nawaz
Sharif was smiling with Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee even when
General Parvez Musharraf (himself a Mohajir) was planning the Kargil
campaign. Pakistan is still licking the wounds of the Bangladesh War. So
it has to smuggle nuclear technology illegally from a rogue state like
North Korea to make indigenous missiles like Ghauri. Pakistan still
maintains links with international terrorist outfits like Al Qaeda and
harbors wanted criminals like Dawood Ibrahim. Its single agenda foreign
policy initiative is to capture Kashmir and humiliate India. So Kashmir
emerges as the specter in Indo-Pak relationships that has to be ably
negotiated with in order to ensure lasting peace in the Subcontinent.
The Line of Control that separates Pak Occupied Kashmir (Azad Kashmir)
from the remaining Indian territory of Kashmir can be recognized as the
new international border between India and Pakistan. This is the only
realistic solution that is left, as neither India nor Pakistan can claim
the whole of Kashmir. But Pakistan has to first discontinue its
clandestine war against India sponsored by the ISI in terms of sabotage
and terrorists attacks on innocent civilians. It is useless on the part
of General Musharraf to declare that he has no control over the
fundamentalist sections of the ISI who follow the philosophy of the
Taliban and the ideology of Al Qaeda.** So the unique spectral
quality of Kashmir has to be duly acknowledged by both India and
Pakistan while trying honestly to resolve this imbroglio. Both regional
powers have to duly admit the fact that the Kashmir issue can only be
resolved by sharing almost equal shares of the cake. Even the
local economy of Kashmir is in ruins. The tourism industry has rapidly
dwindled, threatened by the fear of terrorist attacks. And industry was
the principal motivator of the Kashmiri economy. The woolen trade has
also been adversely affected. The other revenue earning sectors are
fruits and dry fruits. But the Valley of Gods has now become the Valley
of Fear. So the circulation of capital has also slackened. Shooting of
Hindi films no more take place in Kashmir. Allegations of military
excesses and violation of human rights are raised occasionally against
the Indian Army while the security forces allege that the local people
extend shelter to the terrorists who come from across the international
border. A lot of problems resulting from relative deprivation can be
solved by enhanced well-being. Kashmir has always enjoyed special legal
status. But now it has fallen upon evil times. So development of the
local economy can restore its prosperity and address its grievances and
discontent. But peace has to be restored first in order to ensure
economic prosperity of God’s Own Country. The free flow and wide
circulation of capital in the form of foreign exchange earned through
international tourism can ensure widespread and lasting peace in the
Valley. The agenda of
development may defeat the Spectrality of Kashmir in the sense that
basic issues like food, clothing, housing, roads, drinking water,
electricity, education and security can always find precedence in the
domestic policy agenda of both India and Pakistan. Both countries spend
sinfully in their military budgets while they could have easily resolved
certain basic problems of human development with that money. The
Spectrality of Kashmir may take a backseat once the rhetoric of
development is entrenched in the political idiom of both the countries.
Regrettably enough, democratic India and dictatorial Pakistan are
similar when it comes to high political drama. But one has to remember
that you cannot fool all the people all the time although you may fool
some of the people some of the time!
Regional Development The above
model indicates the possible dynamics that may guide the process of
regional development and political stability in South Asia in general
and the Indian Subcontinent in particular. Development through regional
platforms such as the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
and South Asia Free Trade Agreement should gain prominence during global
dialogues initiated by the World Trade Organization and the
International Monetary Fund in association with the World Bank. The
Asian Development Bank should actively sponsor infrastructure
development projects in this region to promote well-being and combat
poverty. Such sensible approaches may always initiate States to work
towards common goals rather than fight in a futile manner. Most Favored
Nation status has to be extended, and regional trade and investment
should be encouraged to ensure profits and better standards of living.
Public opinion in favor of peace and stability will be formed
automatically. Continuous policy dialogues at the levels of Heads of State and Government, Foreign Secretaries, Diplomats, Bureaucrats, Industrialists, Scientists, Technocrats, Political Analysts and Media Personalities should take place in order to keep open the functional channels of both formal as well as informal communication. Two way traffic and dialogues are essential to understand the Other’s points of view. Derrida has repeatedly insisted on Openness to the Other and respecting the Otherness of the Other, without which meaning and symbiotic relationships cannot develop. India and Pakistan need to interact predicated upon the dynamics of Openness and Otherness i.e. while it is true that a polyphony of voices would be heard it is also imperative to cohere a carnival of choices that would be influenced by the marketplace of regional politics. Conclusion So we conclude that Kashmir as one of the most critical defining factors of Indo-Pak relationship should be ideally divided along the Line of Control in order to ensure a harmonious relationship between these two South Asian neighbors, both of whom now happen to possess nuclear capability. Otherwise Kashmir will worsen as an international hotspot like Palestine. It is difficult to implement this decision of recognizing the Line of Control as the new international boundary between India and Pakistan, as for India it would imply surrendering its territorial integrity and sovereignty and for Pakistan it would mean winning only half the coveted prize. But both these countries should realize that it is useless to protract the Kashmir issue. It is high time precise answers are given to historic question sin order to progress upon the path of future. Neither India nor Pakistan can afford to lengthen this conflict for long. The new millennium has arrived with a lot of potentialities that have to be tapped in order to survive in the period of critical globalization. That has almost effaced the realities of time and space from the discourses of international relations. So it is either now or never. Democracy should be restored in Pakistan so that India can find a suitable counterpart to continue its dialogue of peace, progress and security in the Subcontinent. Democracy is a flawed political system, but a better system is yet to develop. So Indo-Pak Relationship will now have to wait for an ambience of hospitality underpinned by democracy in the near future. References: ** Kashmir is critical in the international war against terror as at present it qualifies as a benchmark against which to assess issues related to escalated international terrorism. The 9/11 tragedy is inhuman but it does not justify civilian casualties in Iraq and Afghanistan caused by Allied military exercises. The United States of America has openly favored Pakistan on more than one occasion and has repeatedly asked India to exercise military constraint along its international border! Such double standards only jeopardize the cause of any war lauched against terror on a global scale. Kashmir is not a black-and-white problem, and the USA has to acknowledge the gray areas. India is a more democratic partner for the USA than Pakistan. Cf. Maiti, Clash of Civilizations? The Humanist. [Washington DC: American Humanist Association, November / December 2001]; and Maiti, Human Rights Violation in Kashmir, Peace Magazine, January-March 2002. March 20, 2007 |
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