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Book Reviews
The
RSS and the BJP: A Division of Labor, by A.G.Noorani,
Left Word, 12 Rajendra Prasad Road, New Delhi 110001,PB, Rs.75)
Father, Son and
The Unholy Mission
In the aftermath of Babri demolition there
was a new realization in the country as a whole that RSS, whose volunteers
are generally working in the quiet fashion in the area of culture, are not
so innocuous as it seemed. The Khaki clad, male who worships his
motherland daily morning is a part
of the organization, which in times to come wants to dictate the politics
of the country, started becoming apparent. The reason for this is not too
far to seek. This 'quiet' work on one level acts as the patron for the
politics, which has shaken the democratic roots of the society. And it is
also the one, which provides volunteers to the children organizations for
strengthening the saffron politics, it is also the one which is the major
force which is saffronizing the society in a subtle manner. Though BJP,
VHP etc. have hogged the limelight for times, their subservient loyalty
and devotion to the agenda of RSS started becoming apparent to all and
sundry. It is to unravel this deeper organic connection and the hidden
bridge and the concealed link that A. G. Noorani has put forward his case
in a manner, which not only is rigorous but also is flawless.
The strongest point of the book is of course the thorough research, which
has gone in to the writing of the book, which has very impressive list of
resources and rare references. Noorani has done a yeoman service in
marshalling the facts in this book, in turn making it a crucial source
book for all those who wish to understand this organization and its wily
methods of operation.
Though in popular eyes it is the BJP which is the vehicle of the politics
of Hindu Right, Noorani shows the controlling role of RSS right from the
beginning of the formation of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the less known
predecessor of today's BJP. The agenda of RSS is Hindu Rashtra based on
Hindutva and it adopts the definition of Hindutva as propounded by
Savarkar, Apart from religious aspect involved in the conception of the
words Hindu and Hinduism, Savarkar had to coin some new words such as
Hindutva, Hinduness, Hindudom in order to express totality of cultural,
historical and above all the national aspects along with the religious
one, which mark out the Hindu people as a whole. The definition is not
consequently meant to be definition of Hindu Dharma, or Hindu religion. It
is the definition of Hindutva, Hinduness. (Savarkar, 1942)
Noorani points out, based on the quotes from Golwalkar, that RSS regards
the non-Hindus as mere guests and not the sons of the soil. Also of these
non-Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Communists are regarded as internal
threats to the Hindu Nation. Noorani gives the correct analogy of RSS
methods in politics by pointing out that RSS wants to hold the empire
without becoming the emperor. This method of holding an empire has its
advantages as the negative impact of the day-to-day politicking and
corrupt practices of the progenies does not have direct adverse impact on
it and it can keep up its pure image.
Starting from this concept, RSS went on to train the young boys, well
indoctrinated in the ideology of Hindutva, as volunteers for its
activities. In one of the impeccably referenced chapters (The Sangh
Parivar and The British) the author shows the subservient attitude of
Hindutva politicians towards the British Empire, and Savarkars undertaking
to the British govt. to seek his release from Andamands. He also shows how
two outfits of Hindutva politics (Hindu Mahasabha and RSS) merged together
in the form of Nathuram Godse the killer of Mahatma Gandhi, Father of the
Nation. The need to form a political wing was felt after the post-Gandhi
murder ban on RSS, when its Supremo Golwalkar conceded to the request of
Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, an ex-Hindu Maha Sabha leader to form a new
political party for the agenda of Hindu Rashtra. RSS lent its Swayamsevaks
to work for Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the previous avatar of the current BJP.
Two of the most illustrious swayamsevaks are currently the major vehicle
of communal politics in India, Mr. Vajpayee and Mr. Advani.
Noorani gives apt quotes from original sources to prove his point. One of
the most poignant references is from Justice P. Venugopal commission of
inquiry, which investigated the Kanyakumari riots (March 1982) and from
Jitendra Narian Commission of inquiry (Bhagalpur riots 1979). These quotes
shows without any shadow of doubt the role of RSS in laying the base of
communal violence and the role of its cadres who have infiltrated in the
state machinery in sustaining it. Two features stand out in all the
riots-RSS men deliberately march in procession through Muslim areas
shouting offensive slogans and the slightest response is seized as pretext
to launch preplanned attacks (Noorani, 2000, 40) Noorani reminds us that
even Sardar Patel-who would have liked RSS to join Congress-accused it of
spreading communal poison. In the face of state repression RSS always bent
and the its attitude on its cadres being arrested during emergency, which
was opposed by RSS, is no exception. Its chief started sending the
messages of patch up to Indira Gandhi. In those messages he requested for
RSS cadres being released but never urged upon her to lift the emergency.
The author meticulously traces the birth of different organizations from
the womb of RSS and the assigned role of these for the politics of Hindu
Rashtra and their role in intensifying and vitiating the communal
scenario. Be it BJP, (political), VHP (quasi religious), Bajarang Dal
(storm troopers) or the innocuous looking Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram, each of
them is controlled from the top by RSS volunteers. It is their coordinated
activity, which resulted in the demolition of Babri Masjid. The current
Anti-Christian campaign, and other programs of Sangh Parivar are also
elaborated very well.
Undoubtedly the facts, the quotes the events that give an insight to the
politics of RSS are presented extremely well. What is missing however is
the understanding of social base of this political outfit. Which social
sections support it and why? How are they able to mobilize the other
sections in to its agenda? The analysis of RSS as a political onslaught
has not been elaborated. Why the agenda of RSS started getting more
response from the decade of 80s is not considered at all? The book is weak
on these counts. Despite these omissions one gets a total and credible
picture of the making and functioning of RSS. It is strong on outlining
the relationship between the parent RSS and the children BJP, VHP etc. It
is a good and handy book for the activists for secular democracy, good
source for the meticulous references about the outpourings of its leaders.
All in all it is a book, which cannot and should not be missed by those
striving for preservation of the gains of our freedom struggle, the values
of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity.
–
Ram Puniyani
September 29, 2002
References:
S.S.Savarkar, Preface to Hindutva-Who is a Hindu, Nagpur, 1942
A.G.Noorani, The RSS and BJP, Leftword, 2000 Delhi
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