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My Word
Creating National
Alternative
First A New Policy Agenda
by Rajinder Puri
Another sting operation has exposed crime and corruption among
politicians of various parties! The comforting refrain � that India
always muddles through � is sounding increasingly thin. Our dreams of
becoming a global power can be shattered by collapsing governance. The
emergence of a genuine national alternative has become therefore a
survival imperative. The alternative does not necessarily imply new
people. It demands new thinking. It requires a new policy agenda.
Last week the CPI (M) released its election manifesto. It must have
pleased Dr Manmohan Singh. The manifesto lauds all FDI projects pursued
by the Chief Minister. These include modernization of Calcutta airport,
a new airport, and a new township constructed at Rajahat. Good or bad,
how is the CPI (M) different from other national parties? Opposition to
America and a blind spot on China do not make a genuine alternative.
The great debate between Left and Right has always been unreal in India.
The real debate is between centralization and decentralization of power.
And the debate is perennial. It started with Krishna and Arjuna in the
Bhagwat Gita. In history, it differentiated Ashoka from Chandragupta. In
our own times it distinguished Sardar Patel from Nehru, Jayaprakash
Narain from Indira Gandhi. In truth, both the consolidation of power and
its dispersal have merit determined by current realities.
Today Indians need genuine self-rule. This forms the core of democracy.
But in the name of democracy they get unaccountable bureaucracy. An
alternative policy agenda is needed before a genuine national
alternative can be created. The broad outlines of one alternative agenda
can be offered, though space constraints prevent detailed presentation.
This deals with governance reform and economic reform. Consider them in
that order.
To reform governance certain systemic defects need to be removed
constitutionally. These defects facilitate official crime and
corruption. The Constitution will have to be amended following its
correct interpretation.
The biggest defect is that the powers of the executive and legislature
are not sufficiently separated to ensure accountability. Unless the
government decides otherwise Parliament can discuss executive action
only after it is taken. The recent demand of the CPI (M) and BJP that
government should discuss all important issues in Parliament before
formulating policy makes nonsense of the separation-of-powers principle.
The President of India should, instead, be provided a role commensurate
with his mandate. Mr TN Seshan�s tenure as Chief Election Commissioner
brought out the fact that the Election Commission (EC) was not
accountable to the Union Cabinet. The government itself was an
interested party in electoral disputes. The EC therefore became
accountable to the President. Clearly, in dealing with the EC the
President could not be bound by the advice of the cabinet. The recent
role of the Governor in Bihar has persuaded constitutionalists to
reappraise the powers of the Governor. If they start doing this they
would have also to reappraise the powers of the President.
The President, as in the case of the EC, can oversee other
constitutional bodies too -- such as the Judicial Commission, the Human
Rights Commission and the Minority Commission. The CBI could also be
made a constitutional body accountable to the President. If this were
done it would not require cabinet clearance to investigate or prosecute
ministers and officials. It would require clearance by the President.
Such separation of powers would ensure accountability, and help
eradicate official crime and corruption.
Another major Constitutional reform should deal with decentralizing
power. The present goal of Panchayati Raj remains hollow despite the
exertions of Mr Mani Shankar Aiyer. As Harold Laski pointed out, the
real exercise of power resides in the coercive power of the state. In
other words, unless the law and order machinery is under control of the
executive, the executive cannot exercise real power.
Federalism could be introduced by creating a five-tier system of
governance. The five tiers would be federal, state, district, block and
primary. Each district would conform to each parliamentary constituency.
Each block would conform to each assembly constituency. The primary
units would be the rural village and the urban colony covering a fixed
number of polling booths. The three tiers below the state tier would
each have its own elected council and executive committee. The area MP
could preside over the district council, the area MLA over the block
council, and an elected executive over the primary urban or rural
council. Following the federal principle, executive powers related to
problems faced solely by those residing in an area would devolve on
their own elected body.
District tiers could have their own universities and medium of
instruction. The residents of each district would have a say over use of
natural resources in their area. The executive of each tier of
governance, including the primary tier, would have control over the
appropriate level of the law and order machinery. The primary unit,
whether urban or rural, would be empowered with a new tier of the law
and order machinery accountable to its executive. It would be much like
the village chowkidar of old. He could be hired and fired by the primary
executive. He could be promoted to higher tiers of the existing law and
order machinery.
The elections to all bodies of the five tiers would be simultaneous,
mandatory, time-barred, and under the authority of the Central Election
Commission. Each higher tier would be empowered to curtail its
immediately lower tier if law or executive brief were transgressed.
The States would interact in the activated Inter-State Council empowered
to deal with intra-State and Centre-State relations. The President with
an electoral mandate derived from Parliament and all State assemblies
would be the natural choice to preside over the Inter-State Council.
Secondly, consider economic reform. In economic policy two issues have
hogged attention: infrastructure and privatization. In popular
perception infrastructure relates mainly to airports, harbours and
highways. But the infrastructure requiring urgent attention is rural.
Rural roads, healthcare, water management for potable and irrigation
purposes, literacy, electric power: these need impetus. A Peoples� Plan
focusing on rural infrastructure could generate enormous rural
employment. It would exploit our greatest natural resource � human
talent.
The growth of the global corporate world has vindicated the worst fears
of Karl Marx. The greed and relentless dehumanization of capitalism
threaten humankind. But nationalized industry has failed as a model. The
best antidote to capitalism would be the creation of a Workers� Sector
different from both the public and private sectors. The Workers� Sector
would be similar to cooperatives that ensure industrial democracy.
Decades ago India�s leading politicians toyed with this idea but then
abandoned it. Amul and Mother Dairy offer proof of the idea�s potential.
The Gujarat Cooperative Milk Marketing Federation (GCMMF) controls these
units. The Chairman, Mr V. Kurien said: "We can beat the Multi-National
Corporations (MNCs) in milk products! GCMMF is India's largest food
products marketing organization with annual sales turnover of Rs 2,750
crore. In competition with the best MNCs and domestic companies, it has
emerged as the market leader in all dairy product segments including ice
creams, earlier dominated by Hindustan Lever. We have half the overheads
and expenses of MNCs and give the largest share of the consumer's rupee
to milk producers.� Amul apart, Tata Tea Plantation provides another
shining example.
When disinvesting an industrial enterprise the first option should be
given to workers to make it part of the Workers� Sector. Only if they
refuse, might private tenders be invited. Let the Workers� Sector
compete with private and public sectors in fair competition. Performance
would decide which model eventually prevails to become dominant. The
wide ownership base of Workers� Sector units would ensure much greater
social responsibility than exhibited by MNCs.
These are stray ideas, true. Based on them, a practical alternate agenda
should not be difficult to summon. But its implementation would require
political will. Any takers in India?
February 22, 2006
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My Word
The Week of February 19, 2006
Creating National Alternative : First A New Policy
Agenda by Rajinder Puri
India's Communist Parties: All Bark But No Bite
by Dr. Subhash Kapila
US History - Lesser Known
Facts, Analogies & Surmises Part 2 by Gaurang Bhatt, MD
Protesting the Caricature of Islam by William
R. Stimson
The Search for Shangri - La by Dr.
Amitabh Mitra
50 Years Hence by Aparna Chatterjee
"Exercise" Your Stresses Away by
Rajgopal Nidamboor
A New Brainwave by Neeta Lal
Natural Evolution and Happiness by Dr. Anil
K. Rajvanshi
Measure Your Value by Naira Yaqoob
Let's Celebrate Life by Viraj R. Rai
Earning The Proverbial 'Bread and Butter' by
Neha Girotra
Vengeance – A Short Story by Kusum Choppra
Portrait of A Man – A Short Story by Naiyer
Mallick
Reflecting Upon the Body by Aparna Sharma
Kerala: The Land of Boat Races by Dr. V.
Sankaran Nair
Girls as Workhorses by Nitin Jugran Bahuguna
Sewing Together a Coalition by Anuja
Mirchandaney
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