Conventional
wisdom rules out chances of a Republican victory in the US elections,
less than a year away. This is in no way a reflection on the qualities
of its Presidential nominee, John McCain. With US economy in a huge
slump, with the US army bogged down in Iraq and in Afghanistan, and with
the tattered record of the Bush administration tainted by misinformation
through its entire first term, the odds would be daunting for any
candidate. Yet the prospects of a McCain victory cannot be ruled out.
And the bleak prospect of an upset victory does not rest on the bitter
war between Democratic hopefuls Barak Obama and Hillary Clinton.
The next election will not be about John McCain but about George Bush.
No amount of political artistry can wipe clean the vivid record of the
Bush administration over the past seven years. McCain can lose or win
only on the Republican administration's record over these last two
terms. At present that record is zilch. Can it change miraculously to
undo past failures and create a euphoric mood that allows McCain to win?
This writer had not ruled out the possibility of some such miracle. His
belief was based on what has been described as the Term Two Trauma of
American presidencies: it is recalled that US Presidents in their second
terms, with no worries about re-election, have often attempted to
unshackle the constraints of the powerful vested interests that dominate
US foreign policy. But either through design or accident, the effort
each time was aborted by scandal. Nixon was crippled by Watergate in his
second term. Clinton was weakened by the Monika Lewinsky scandal. It was
conjectured that President Bush in his second term might succeed where
his predecessors had failed. Sure enough, some leading architects of his
first term agenda – Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, Lewis Libby and
Karl Rove – were axed one by one. Hard-nosed advisers who had served
Papa Bush moved into key positions. Future developments therefore were
identified by this writer – developments that could bring Bush victory.
Two years ago, on March 20 2006, I wrote: "American policy has changed,
although the American presidency has not. The George Bush mask remains
intact. But the neo-conservative agenda favored by Big Business has
been scuttled. Security concerns prevail over profit." Later, on July 3
the same year, it was pointed out that the Bush administration was
pursuing policies to create "a new Middle East". Readers were advised
therefore that Bush "may do nothing. He could do everything. So don't
write him off. Not yet." What could President Bush do to turn the tide?
Three major areas were identified. First, he had to bring peace to Iraq
and stop body bags of US soldiers returning to America. For that a
settlement with Shiite Iran to accommodate Shiite Iraq was essential. It
was pointed out that America's nuclear crisis with Iran could be a
smokescreen behind which a secret dialogue on the future settlement of
Iraq was continuing. Secondly, a Palestine state at peace with Israel,
to bury finally the main bone of contention in the Middle East for over
half a century, had to be created. In the pursuit of this it was pointed
out that the Bush administration compelled Israel to withdraw from Gaza,
and allowed Hamas to contest the election although a secret opinion poll
had informed the US State Department of a Hamas victory. Thirdly, the Al
Qaeda had to be neutralized, and stable peace between Afghanistan and
Pakistan had to be secured to end the war on terror.
Recently when John McCain called on President Bush to seek endorsement
for his nomination, Bush advised media reporters not to dismiss his
remaining days as the President which he would finish “with a sprint”.
What does he hope to cover in his sprint? Consider all three areas
identified above by this writer.
An Arab online paper based in UK has reported that the secret US-Iran
peace dialogue on Iraq has reached a critical, decisive stage. If
clinched, Iraq would be guaranteed peace and Iran would emerge as the
dominant power in the Middle East. It might be recalled that the secret
links of the US with Iran have been deep through the past decades. The
US armed Iran against Iraq during the Iraq-Iran war. It used Israel as
the conduit for funding Iran, which has the largest Jewish population in
the Middle East outside Israel, but does not practice any discrimination
against Jews. The Arab news story gains credence from two radio
interviews given by Bush and beamed into Iran, aimed at reaching out to
the Iranian public on the Persian New Year Navroz. Earlier, Henry
Kissinger, currently acting as the foreign policy advisor to Republican
nominee John McCain, called for unconditional talks with Iran. That
signified a major policy shift for Kissinger.
Regarding Palestine the Annapolis Conference, comprising Arab nations
and Israel, which endorsed an agreement to create Palestine state by the
end of this year, has not yet been derailed. Contacts between both sides
continue.
Regarding the war on terror, the new Pakistan government has given clear
indication of policy to separate the home grown Taliban from the foreign
dominated Al Qaeda through a mix of military action and dialogue,
offering autonomy to both the Pashtuns and the Baluch tribes.
If President Bush achieved success in these three areas, or in two, or
in even one, he could create euphoria that would dissolve public
resentment against the earlier excesses of his administration. And if
the foundation of a new Middle East is indeed laid, it would allow him
to leave an unforgettable legacy for history. Senator McCain will be
watching him with bated breath.
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