The interminable cycle of
violence which has wracked the country over the past few months has
raised many qualms. What is shocking is the depths of brutalization of
society, evident in the plight of the hapless Adivasi girl in Guwahati,
where a majority chose to seek voyeuristic pleasure by clicking their
mobile phone cameras rather than rescue the poor women in extreme
distress. The roots of this political and social violence can be traced
to three basic trends. Two of these, steady macro economic growth and
information and media revolution are positive factors ironically
contributing to societal conflict, while failed governance is a negative
yet most dominant feature.
A sound 8 percent plus economic growth over the past few years and a
stock exchange touching dizzying heights has been the bench mark of the
India rising story touted in many political and economic forums in the
country and abroad. The stark reality of the Human Development Report
2007 of the UNDP highlights the imbalance in growth. Year and year India
has slid two places to 128 in a ranking which includes 177 countries,
ironically maintaining the same position it did at the turn of the
century in 2000. So much for the India growth story.
What is more alarming is the large block of population which continues
to live below the poverty line, 320 million at 28 percent with three
fourths of this in rural areas. The wide growth divide resulting from
differential in rural and urban or industry and service sector and
agricultural growth has created a large mass of disempowered people most
of whom are living in a swathe of territory extending from UP to Assam
on one side and towards Telengana in the south. This area is also
geographically congruent with that impacted by naxalism, tribalism,
ethnic or state nationalism.
On the other hand the demand on resources both in terms of minerals and
territory has led to denial of people in this region their basic equity,
land or forests from which they could eke out their daily existence.
They are ideal targets for Naxals and other extremists who promise them
utopia through the barrel of the gun.
The information and media revolution on the other hand has created
another large slab whose awareness of advantages that differential of
status in society can provide has risen over the past few years. Thus
the Gujjars, adivasis, Rajbanghsis and other marginalized janjatis see
in the SC, ST quota an opportunity to rise from their destitution within
a generation. Their dreams have been aroused as much by the ambitions of
their political leaders as the accelerated growth they see in their
better endowed neighbors. No state has the capacity to meet aspirations
of such a large mass of people, thus recourse to agitation remains their
only path.
This trajectory of largely positive ambition has also seen greater
urbanization, movement of large numbers away from social security
provided by their community into the jungle of towns and cities, where
identities are anonymous and personal gratification is prioritized over
survival needs of fellow citizens. Thus the death of over 100 people
crushed in Blueline buses in the national capital has hardly moved the
government or the citizens into action, while the plight of a poor
adivasi woman only arouses animal instincts of her male fellow beings.
Such conditions can be controlled provided the state entrusted with the
onerous task of proactively securing lives and livelihood of citizens
enforces its writ with equity and resoluteness. In India the state and
particularly the local administration has retreated into bureaucratic
isolation. Thus district authorities permit rallies without assessing
the impact on law and order and undertaking adequate precautionary
measures. Many administrators at the district and state level can be
compared to Nero watching Guwahati or Nandigram burn on their television
screens. In Naxal hit states there is a problem of finding district
magistrates and police inspectors to serve in areas as Giridih in
Jharkhand or Bastar in Chattisgarh. The vacuum created by the state has
been filled by Maoists or cadres of political parties who collect taxes,
seemingly maintain order and dispense justice without having to cater
for the primary needs of health care or education of the population.
Given the lack of resolve in the political class to set things right and
limited reach of civil society into rural areas social conflict in many
hues will be the greatest challenge to India�s growth in the years
ahead. One shudders to imagine that our ranking in the HDI in 2015 may
well remain the same today, 128. Ironically the solution is simple to
ideate, effective governance reaching the grass roots but given the
apathy of the state has become difficult to implement.
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