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Society
Living in the Shadow of Violence
by Linda Chhakchhuak
November 6, 2005
Aroti
Phangchopi, 14, died in the recent ethnic violence which took place in
Assam. Her bloodstained school bag and books lay torn and scattered
around her, along with the bodies and books of four other school
students. All of them were on their way to school in a bus when they
were pulled out and killed by men allegedly from the Dimasa tribe, on
October 17, 2005, in Charsim village.
"Our bus was stopped and then they asked us to come out one by one. They
tied my hands at the back and then hit me with a dao (machete) three
times. I don't know what happened after that," says Kurgi Beypi, 11, one
of the survivors of the violence, who belongs to the Kurbi tribe. She's
being treated in a hospital at Nagoan, along with her six-hear-old
sister, and another girl.
Their assailants were masked men carrying AK 47s and AK 56s. Some of the
children, along with other adult passengers, were hacked to death with
daos. The men belonged to one of a dozen armed organizations roaming
freely around Karbi Anglong and North Cachar Hills districts of Assam,
claiming to fight for their own tribe's territory.
While the suspicion fell on the Dima Halim Daoga (DHD, an armed group
fighting for a Dimaraji - Dimasa land, DHD has denied the allegation. In
an Assam daily, they denied having a hand in the Charsim massacre and
blamed another organization - Black Widow, a breakaway faction of their
group - for the killings.
The
Autonomous State Demand Council (ASDC) and the Dimasa Students
Organization actually blamed the Assam government for failing to control
the ethnic violence. "The killings and torching of houses, except for a
few instances at a much later stage, were not acts of revenge or
spontaneous reaction of the public," ASDC President Holiram Terang, told
the press. "It was a band of killers, trained to hack people to death
even though sophisticated arms were with them. This savage cruelty can
be perpetrated only by professionals," Terang alleged.
Since 2001, this part of Assam has witnessed at least one major ethnic
massacre every year, not to speak of the daily toll of lives - civilians
and army personnel - which the state witnesses. Most of these clashes
have their roots in the dynamics of the violent politics of autonomy and
the government's policy of appeasing the most heavily armed and violent
groups demanding autonomy. This has made the Northeast region,
especially Assam, one of the most highly militarized zones in the world.
Since 2002, there have been major clashes between Karbi-Hmar, Karbi-Kuki,
Karbi-Khasi Pnar. In 2003, the Hmar-Dimasa clash displaced more than
6,000 people. In the same year, Karbi attack forced more than 4,000
Khasi-Pnars out of their homes in Karbi Anglong. This was followed by
the Karbi-Kuki clash which continued into 2004, driving more than 6000
people out of their homes.
According to a report, in 2003, half the 800,000-odd population of North
Cachar Hills was displaced. Although most returned home later, their
lives were destroyed for good. J Ingty, an activist, says, "The future
is gloomy for our people. Children's studies are annually disrupted;
many will find it difficult to return to school. Thousands of lives have
been destroyed. Most will become beggars as putting together an uprooted
life is too difficult for the poor people who have lost all their
savings."
This incessant violence has only served to further damage the fragile
existence of various tribes in the region. Most communities continue to
live with no electricity or safe drinking water, and have no access to
educational or health facilities.
This time - Charsim violence - the turf war is between the DHD, who
represent the Dimasa tribe, and the United People's Democratic
Solidarity (UPDS) - a Karbi armed group fighting for a state of their
own.
The violence, which actually started in September, has already left 90
people dead (mostly Karbis) and thousands homeless. More than 50,000
people from both the groups have fled their homes and are housed in
schools, sheds, and makeshift shelters across the district in about 56
relief camps. The chain reaction has sparked off what Terang calls "the
greatest tragedy in Karbi and Dimasa history".
"My house in Haripur, West Karbi Anglong, was burnt down along with 300
other houses," says Bathori Swapan Singha, a social activist. He however
stressed that his family managed to save some essentials as two Karbi
friends had secretly informed his father, a well-known community elder,
about the rumors doing the rounds that there would be a revenge for the
Charsim carnage by torching a big Dimasa hamlet. Our communities don't
hate each other, we are trying to help each other. It's these militants
who are stirring up all these murderous emotions, and of course, we have
a government that does not really care what happens," he says.
Singha, who recently returned from a visit to several relief camps in
Diphu area, along with a relief assessment team from INGO ActionAid,
says the people are miserable. "Government relief - of rice, lentils,
salt and some blankets - is far too little for so many people. With
winter already here we are really worried for them," he says.
Women and children are worse off. There is no baby food available, nor
any provision for sanitary napkins, soap, and candles. Most camps have
no electricity or safe drinking water.
Despite the violent ethnic history of the state, the state government so
far has no rehabilitation plan in place. Even the ruling elite of Assam
continues to ignore the plight of the tribal communities.
Although, after the incident, an estimated 2,500 paramilitary troopers
and about 1,500 police personnel were deployed in the district, citizens
feel this will only give a false sense of security. The real issues in
Assam have still not been addressed.
By arrangement with
Women's Feature Service
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| Society
The Week of November 6, 2005
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Indian Governments Soft-Kneed Counter-Terrorism Approaches by Dr. Subhash
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Chanchala Lakshmi: The Restless One! by Aparna
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The Map is NOT the Territory by Vikram
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Greed Makes for Strange Trading Bedfellows
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How much should we correct children’s poor
behavior? by Michael Grose
Africa: Buy a Girl for 3 Cows by Caroline
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Canada: Leaving Out the Shariah by Naunidhi
Kaur
Living in the Shadow of Violence by Linda
Chhakchhuak
'Food Passports" for Migrants by Aparna Pallavi
The Seeds of Change by Ruchika Negi
Master Mahashai by Kumud Biswas
Vande Mataram! by Anamika Banerjee
Oriya Press: Then and Now by Alipta Jena
Universal Phonetic Roman Script by Swachid
K. Rangan
Therapeutic uses of Honey in Ayurveda by Dr.
Krishna R.S.
In Our Own Hands
by Stephanie Hiller
Trouble with Purity Pill by Aparna Pallavi
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