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Society
Bangladesh's Women are in the House
by Hana Shams Ahmed
At a public meeting in
Noakhali district in the Chittagong Division of Bangladesh, Agriculture
Minister Motia Chowdhury had a strange encounter. Throughout the
proceedings, a group of men stood with their backs toward her. The men,
as it turned out, were conservative Muslim clerics, who found it
difficult to accept a woman as a leader, but at the same time could not
pass up the opportunity of listening to her speech.
Chowdhury is a leading woman politician in Bangladesh. Her involvement
in politics goes back to Eden Girls' College in Dhaka where she became
vice president of the students' union in 1963. She served a jail
sentence for political activities in 1964-65 and actively participated
in the liberation movement in 1971. In 1990, Chowdhury also actively
took part in the movement against the rule of the Ershad junta, which
ultimately ended an eight-year military rule. After democracy was
restored in 1991, she was one of the few women to win a non-reserved
seat in parliament. (In the original constitution, 15 seats were
reserved for women. By 2004, this rose to 45 seats.) Chowdhury served as
the Agriculture Minister in the Awami League (AL) government from
1996-2001. And is heading the same ministry in the recently elected AL
government. Her feisty personality and determination to break barriers
in a patriarchal political set-up has earned her the title 'Agni Konna'
(daughter of fire).
Such passionate involvement in street politics was certainly not
conventional in the 1960s, when Bangalis were considered 'lesser beings'
by the West Pakistani rulers. Now, the paradox is that the most powerful
political position in the country has belonged to two women for the last
18 years. Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina, as leaders of the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party (centre-right and Islamist-leaning) and the Awami
League (centre-left), have alternated as Prime Minister since 1991.
But this has not created a feminist-friendly Bangladesh, and has not
made enough of a difference in the lives of women struggling to make it
in politics. One can argue that Zia and Hasina first got their jobs by
virtue of being the wife and daughter of murdered leaders, which is more
about dynasty politics than women's achievements. Even now, when
politics is still mostly in the hands of men, it is actually Chowdhury's
tenacious stay that is an achievement looked up to by women politicians
of this generation.
In the December 2008 election, AL won with an overwhelming majority.
Considered the more progressive and secular of the two political
parties, the promise of a trial of the 1971 war criminals and 'a digital
Bangladesh' were two of the main factors behind their popularity,
especially with young and first time voters. A record 85 per cent of the
total eligible voters voted last year. What was also overwhelming was
the number of women voters - a total of 4.12 crore - which is more than
half of the total voters. The 2009 parliament has 63 women lawmakers,
the highest number to date. The fact that women have won through direct
elections shows that there is a change in the mindset of voters. Women
voters certainly are hoping that mainstream politics scenario will
change with more representation of their issues.
The government has promised to be a 'government of changing the days'.
Hasina's choice of cabinet members was accepted as a bold and pleasant
surprise among progressive circles. Three of the most important
ministries are headed by women - Advocate Sahara Khatun, 66, a member of
the International Women Lawyers' Association and the International
Women's Alliance, was given the Ministry of Home Affairs; Dr Dipu Moni,
a Johns Hopkins graduate medical doctor and also an Advocate of the
Bangladesh Supreme Court, was appointed as the first woman Foreign
Minister of a South Asian country; and Chowdhury was once again
appointed the Agriculture Minister. Another woman, Begum Munnujan Sufian,
was given the portfolio for Labour and Employment.
This is not the first time that women have been ministers. The BNP-led
coalition government of 2001-06 had four women cabinet ministers in an
over-sized 62-member cabinet. The Minister for Women and Children
Affairs, Minister for Cultural Affairs and the Adviser for Primary and
Mass Education and the Prime Minister herself were the women in the
cabinet. However, what is to be noted is the qualitative difference in
the portfolios given to women. The women were only given
development-related ministries, while the politically and financially
important ones went to the men. By contrast, the current government has
given powerful posts to women, which also has led to some challenges, as
they are more under media spotlight.
In the four months it has been in power, the new government has already
faced many acid tests. Prices of essentials have been on the rise and
everyone has been wary about investing their money. Migrant worker
remittances, which is the second highest foreign currency earner, has
slowed down and may see a steeper drop, as the Middle East gets further
hit by the global recession. Foreign Minister Dipu Moni recently visited
Malaysia after the government cancelled the visas of 55,000 migrant
workers. Home Minister Sahara Khatun has already faced calls for
resignation over her handling of the massacre of 74 people, including 57
high-level army officers in the recent Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) mutiny.
Certain right-wing groups have already blamed her poor handling of the
negotiations on the fact that she is a woman (apparently hostage
negotiations are a "man's job"). In spite of these setbacks, it is still
hoped that the female ministers will prove their worth and stay in the
government.
Despite having women politicians and women in leadership positions,
domestic violence and sexual harassment continue to be part of daily
life. There are still many discriminatory laws in Bangladesh that need
urgent amendment. The reservation on some clauses on CEDAW (Convention
on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women) is a
case in point. Successive governments have failed to address the
discrimination in the laws of inheritance, citizenship and family laws.
Religious groups have always successfully objected to any discourse on
changing these laws. Male politicians have never made any serious effort
to bring about gender equity.
The hundreds of thousands of women who lined up last December to vote
for their leaders did so with hope of change. While there is still a
long way to go before participation of women in politics is at a
significant level, the new cabinet marked a small but significant shift.
Feminists must fight to make sure there is no looking back from here.
May 3, 2009
By arrangement with
WFS
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