Culture is neither the exclusive preserve of a particular religion or caste nor the property of any geographical region. It is a collective inheritance shaped over generations by people's lived experiences, their relationship with nature, their labour, languages, arts, customs, food habits and social interactions. Culture is therefore dynamic, constantly evolving in response to changing social realities. The defining strength of a pluralistic society such as India lies in the coexistence of diverse languages, religions, communities and regional traditions. However, when a particular group seeks to elevate its beliefs and practices into universal norms while denigrating the ways of life of others, cultural assertion degenerates into a politics of domination. This is an increasingly disturbing development in contemporary India.

Sociological perspectives remind us that power operates through far more than political office. It is exercised through control over economic resources, property, education, religious institutions, family structures and social conventions. Karl Marx emphasised how ownership of the means of production perpetuates economic inequalities, while Antonio Gramsci explained how dominant ideologies acquire social legitimacy by being accepted as common sense. Hegemony, therefore, is sustained not merely through coercion but also by shaping people's perceptions and securing their consent. In India, caste hierarchy, religious orthodoxy and patriarchy have historically served as powerful instruments of such domination.

The family is the first school of socialisation. It should nurture affection, responsibility and mutual respect. Yet, when children are conditioned to accept inequalities based on caste, gender and age, the foundations of democratic citizenship are undermined at an early stage. The unequal freedoms often accorded to boys and girls reflect deeply entrenched patriarchal attitudes. Opposition to inter-caste marriages and violence committed in the name of family honour are further manifestations of this mindset. According to estimates drawn from the India Human Development Survey, inter-caste marriages account for only about five per cent of marriages in the country, underlining the enduring grip of caste identities over intimate social relationships.

As Dr. B.R. Ambedkar observed, caste is not merely a division of labour but also a division of labourers. Its hierarchical structure perpetuates graded inequality, assigning social status and privilege according to birth rather than individual merit. Although untouchability has been constitutionally abolished, caste discrimination, social exclusion and violence remain persistent realities. According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), 57,789 cases of crimes against Scheduled Castes were registered in 2023, compared with 45,935 in 2019. These figures underline an uncomfortable truth: legislative safeguards alone cannot eradicate deeply embedded social prejudices.

Religion can provide individuals with spiritual fulfilment, moral guidance and psychological solace. However, when religious beliefs are transformed into instruments of political mobilisation and social control, their humanistic purpose is compromised. No religious organisation or political group has the legitimate authority to dictate what people should eat, how they should dress, whom they should worship or whom they should love. Mob violence in the name of cow protection, communal hate campaigns and threats against writers, intellectuals and dissenting voices illustrate the dangers of growing intolerance. Portraying criticism as anti-religious or questioning authority as anti-national strikes at the very foundations of democratic discourse.

In this context, the Constitution assumes particular significance. Its guarantees of equality and liberty, the prohibition of untouchability under Article 17 and the protection of freedom of speech and expression under Article 19 constitute essential safeguards against arbitrary power and discrimination. Governments, as custodians of constitutional democracy, have a responsibility to protect these principles. When state institutions instead accommodate dominant social and religious interests for political advantage, public confidence in democratic institutions is inevitably weakened.

India's civilisational strength does not lie in imposing one language, one religion or one cultural identity upon its people. It lies in recognising diversity and enabling different communities to coexist with dignity and mutual respect. Young people must be encouraged to cultivate scientific temper, critical thinking and intellectual independence. Educational institutions, literature, media and the arts must become spaces that promote humanism rather than prejudice. Writers, artists and intellectuals have a particular responsibility to challenge discrimination and irrational beliefs.

The struggle against domination is not a struggle against any particular religion or community; it is a struggle against every ideology that legitimises inequality and denies human dignity. Preserving culture does not mean perpetuating inherited hierarchies. It means protecting every individual's freedom to live with equality, dignity and self-respect. That, ultimately, is the essence of a truly democratic culture.