Analysis

The Volcano Inside the Fence

When Refuge Becomes a Slogan & Security Becomes a Punchline

  • How do you “bring back” persecuted Hindus from Pakistan and Bangladesh without turning it into a headline-only project?
     
  • If those states won’t let vulnerable minorities leave, what exactly is India’s leverage — diplomacy, covert extraction, asylum corridors, or sheer rhetoric?
     
  • Why does national security infrastructure trigger local political resistance in the very corridors where reaction time decides survival?
     
  • At what point does “internal dissent” stop being ‘democratic argument’ and start becoming ‘strategic sabotage’?
     
  • And if India struggles to protect its own social cohesion at home, what does that say about its capacity to protect civilizational kin across hostile borders?

On a cold evening near the Siliguri Corridor, the map doesn’t look like paper. It looks like pulse. A thin neck of geography that carries trade, troops, and tension — where a rumor travels faster than an armored column. This is where the nation’s nervous system runs close to the surface.

Now place beside that map a morally compelling sentence: Bring all Pakistani and Bangladeshi Hindus to India. Rahul Dewan, the founder of SangamTalks, and a tech entrepreneur, angel investor, and social activist known for founding Srijan, an agile and open-source evangelism company, has voiced this sentiment plainly. The emotion behind it is understandable. The civilizational instinct behind it is ancient. But the operational question remains brutally modern: How?

The Uncomfortable Truth:
You Don’t “Open Borders” Into Someone Else’s Prison

If Pakistan and Bangladesh restrict exit, formally or informally, India cannot simply “open the border” and expect a million people to walk out. Sovereign states don’t cooperate in their own demographic embarrassment, especially when minorities are treated as labor pools, political leverage, or bargaining chips. That is precisely why this issue cannot be solved by sentiment alone.

A serious “return and resettlement” architecture would need multiple lanes, not one melodramatic highway:

  • Humanitarian Migration Pathways – long-term visas, priority citizenship processing where legally applicable, and state capacity to absorb populations without creating new internal fault lines.
     
  • Targeted Rescue Protocols for the most threatened — quiet, intelligence-led, and negotiated when possible.
     
  • International Pressure & Documentation – credible records, sustained diplomacy, and coalition-building that raises the cost of persecution.

In other words: mechanism beats manifesto, every single time. And Then Comes the Bigger Problem: The Fence Line is Not Only External. Bharat’s “internal volcano” is more dangerous than its external front because it erodes intent, unity, and response time.

Consider what has been reported recently: political opposition to a proposed Army camp in Kishanganj, an area strategically proximate to the Siliguri Corridor.

Separately, in Rajasthan, the High Court rejected petitions opposing land acquisition for a forward aviation base project near the Pakistan border, explicitly framing national security as paramount.

You don’t have to agree with every government decision to recognize the pattern: when strategic assets become bargaining chips in local politics, adversaries don’t need spies, they just need spectators.

The Foreign-Influence Question:
Where Paranoia Ends & ‘Due Diligence’ Begins

Congress’s association with the Progressive Alliance and Rahul Gandhi’s involvement in its proceedings are now a live political flashpoint in India’s discourse.

Separately, the George Soros debate in India has become a proxy war of narratives: Soros has publicly criticized Modi, while the ruling party has accused him of interference and destabilization attempts.

Here’s the straight talk:
India does not need conspiracy to justify vigilance.
It needs governance.

If foreign-funded ecosystems (of any ideology — Left, Right, separatist, sectarian, or “civil society” performative) are shaping public outcomes, the response should be transparent regulation + due process, not selective outrage.

On the specific question of Soros-linked funding routes, credible reporting has noted that India’s Home Ministry placed the Open Society Foundations on a “prior clearance/watchlist” framework (meaning funds require prior permission rather than a blanket “ban”).

That distinction matters because a serious state doesn’t govern by vibes. It governs by enforceable categories.

Sports & Symbolism:
The Nation Can Walk & Chew Gum,
But It Must Still Do ‘Background Checks’

Bangladeshi players were allowed in the IPL as an emblem of “normalization” amid tension. The facts here are more procedural than ideological: Bangladeshi players have been in the IPL ecosystem (auction registers, NOCs, mid-season joins).

This is not inherently a security collapse. But it does illustrate a messaging problem: when the public perceives strategic seriousness in short supply, even routine cultural exchanges start looking like negligence.

Terror, Attribution & Discipline:
Don’t Outsource Your Conclusions to Social Media

The Resistance Front (TRF) claimed responsibility for the Pahalgam terror attack, and multiple analyses describe TRF as closely linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba. India’s Home Minister has said the probe’s findings will put Pakistan “in the dock” globally — another signal that official attribution aims outward, not toward online speculation.

If we want India to act like a civilizational state, then we must also argue like one: disciplined, evidence-first, and strategically literate.

So, What Does a ‘Serious National Strategy’ Look Like?

  • If the goal is twofold:
    (1) protect Hindus under duress across borders, and
    (2) defuse the “internal volcano,” then the playbook has to be institutional:

  • A National Refuge & Repatriation Framework (NRRF):
    Clear eligibility, prioritization, vetting, resettlement capacity, and state-level burden sharing.
     
  • Strategic Infrastructure as Non-Negotiable Consensus:
    Army/air assets in sensitive corridors must be insulated from petty politics, with fast-track adjudication (Rajasthan’s HC posture is directionally consistent with that logic). 
     
  • Foreign-Funding Transparency with Principled Enforcement:
    Publish clearer standards, enforce prior-clearance lists consistently, and avoid partisan selectivity. 
     
  • Counter-Extremism That is Ideology-Neutral:
    Focus on violence, recruitment, financing, and subversion — never on ordinary citizens by faith or identity.
     
  • Narrative Resilience:
    Treat disinformation as a national-security domain, not as a weekend Twitter sport.

Because here is the real “internal enemy,” stripped of slogans: institutional drift, selective enforcement, and political cynicism about the national interest. When those three walk into a room together, the adversary doesn’t need to cross the border. The border crosses itself.

Final Thoughts

  • How do you “bring back” persecuted Hindus from Pakistan and Bangladesh without turning it into a headline-only project?
     
  • If those states won’t let vulnerable minorities leave, what exactly is India’s leverage — diplomacy, covert extraction, asylum corridors, or sheer rhetoric?

  • Why does national security infrastructure trigger local political resistance in the very corridors where reaction time decides survival?
     
  • At what point does “internal dissent” stop being ‘democratic argument’ and start becoming ‘strategic sabotage’?
     
  • And if India struggles to protect its own social cohesion at home, what does that say about its capacity to protect civilizational kin across hostile borders?

31-Jan-2026

More by :  P. Mohan Chandran


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