Kerala’s First Social Revolutionary, A Great Leader Obscured by the Conspiracy of Silence

Modern Kerala, standing on par with Western societies in the social and educational fields, is a model to other Indian states. Every year, hundreds of young people from Kerala move abroad for jobs. One in every four families in Kerala earns income by working abroad. According to the National Sample Survey, the number of poor people living below the poverty line in Kerala in 2001-12, as per the National Multi-dimensional Poverty Index released by NITI Aayog 2023, is 0.55%. However, Keralites have not achieved all these successes overnight. Just two hundred years ago, Kerala was divided into varnas and castes with anachronistic customs and inhuman regulations. Socioeconomic differences and gender discrimination were natural in the traditional society of Kerala.

Subjected to vicious oppression, women, avarnas, and untouchable castes were forced to drag their vulnerable lives helplessly like living corpses. Under the influence of various devotional and reform movements and Western missionary organizations, a few avarnas and untouchables became educated and knowledgeable, thereby becoming conscious of their lost rights. Consequently, they revolted against the hardened caste society and fought for their human rights.

In southern India, especially in Thiruvananthapuram in the state of Kerala, Ayyankali, who was honoured as “Mahatma”, “Mootupulai”, “Gurudevan”, and “Urupilai” by his followers, was the first to fight for the rights of the untouchable castes. Praised by Gandhi as “Pulayaking”, hailed as the “Greatest Child of India” by the then PM Indira Gandhi, and applauded by the present PM, who stated that India is indebted to him, Ayyankali is a great leader who gave a new turn to the social history of Kerala.

Ayyankali was the first revolutionary in the history of the Dalit movement to fight for education, women’s rights, and a dignified life, overthrowing the inhuman caste regulations, customs, and rules enforced by the upper-caste elites against the untouchables. Historians, whose minds are saturated with narrow ideology, have deliberately looked down upon Ayyankali’s historic human rights struggles and did not document them. Today’s Dalit historians, keeping themselves abreast with the changing times, are digging into history and shedding new light on the heroic tales of the great heroes who were obscured by conspiratorial silence. Knowing the history of Ayyankali gives the oppressed castes an opportunity to assess their future course of action.

Conditions of Kerala before Ayyankali

The social conditions in India before the 19th century were highly deplorable. Society was divided into high and low castes, and Kerala was no exception. In fact, a terrible caste monster and unrestrained evil customs were in force. While the Brahmins were at the top of the ladder in the caste hierarchy and enjoyed power, pride, and socioeconomic status, the Kshatriyas were below them, followed by the Nair castes. Below the Nairs were the Ezhava castes, and the Pulayas and Parayas were the last. Nairs occupied the place of Vaishyas as there are no Vaishyas in Kerala society and dominated trade, agriculture, etc. However, only Brahmins were allowed to enter the sanctum sanctorum, had the authority to perform puja to the deity, and make offerings to it. Even Kshatriyas, though permitted into temples, were not allowed into the sanctum sanctorum and to touch the idols of the deities. The rules and regulations to be followed by the majority castes in the society were as follows:

A Nair can approach Brahmins but should not touch them. Ezhavas must keep a distance of 36 feet from Brahmins and 12 feet from Nairs. Pulayas must maintain a 124 feet distance from Brahmins and 64 feet from Nairs. Brahmins or Nairs should not be seen by Parayas at all. Syrian Christians can approach Brahmins and Nairs but must not touch them and should not eat together with them. Except for the Brahmins and ‘dvijas’, no other castes were allowed to pursue education (even Kshatriyas). The lower castes should live as agricultural laborers serving the upper castes. The wages they got were not equal wages for equal work but given just out of pity. The concept of wages itself was absent and unknown. Pulayas and Pariahs, who were avarnas as well as untouchable castes, should not dress themselves fully whether male or female but just cover the portion between knees and waist with only a towel. They should not cover their torso between waist and neck. The women of untouchable castes had to pay a tax depending on the size of the breasts to cover the breasts. Untouchable castes should wrap a cloth around their arms or waists to indicate their low social status. Their women should wear jewelry made of iron or stone to make their low caste known. If they have to talk to the upper castes, they must utter first: “I am your slave speaking”! Untouchable castes were prohibited from public places, roads, temple roads, schools, and government jobs.⁵

In 1870, the British representative in Travancore described in his report the strange situation that the judiciary confronted: If it was inevitable for witnesses of untouchable castes to appear in court, the lawyers, clients, judges, and court staff would get polluted during the trial. The only way to avoid such trouble is, instead of summoning the untouchable witnesses, the judge, along with a limited court staff, should go to their place and conduct the trial maintaining the mandatory distance. The relevant clerk should convey the judge’s questions to the peon who has to in turn ask the untouchable witness, duly standing at a distance, the questions the judge asked. The peon should convey the answer given by the untouchable witnesses to the judge through the clerk. The trial must be conducted by adopting such a procedure so that the court, the judge, the lawyers, and the other parties of the case will not get polluted. Making fellow humans untouchable first and imposing such a plight on untouchable castes using that imposition as a convenient tool! This inhuman incident, though appearing ridiculous, reflects the barbaric rules of upper-caste society in India.

In such inhuman times, Ayyankali was born on 28 August 1863 in Venganur, Thiruvananthapuram, Travancore, to an untouchable Pulaya couple named Ayyan and Mala. Pulaya means ‘dirt.’ Kali is the name given to him by his parents as a child, which became Ayyankali together with the name of his father Ayyan.

Ayyankali’s parents were from a family which was financially better off compared to the rest of their caste. Ayyan had a benevolent landlord named Govinda Pillai. The landlord asked Ayyan to clear jungles to make fields, and Ayyan cleared more jungle than the landlord required. Later, the landlord gifted a small plot measuring 5 acres to Ayyan. Ayyan led his life cultivating that land during the season, and working as a daily wager on the landlord’s farms during non-farming days. Land owned by a Pulayan was rare in those days, and that created confidence and self-respect in young Kali.

Ayyankali grew up to be a tall, well-built, and handsome young man. He was known for his physical prowess and proficiency in martial arts. He used to play football with children of his age. Once, when the ball kicked by Ayyankali fell on the roof of a Nair’s house, the Nair warned him not to play with upper-caste young men, as Ayyankali hailed from an untouchable community. He took a vow never to play with them and went into a period of deep thought. He and his group of friends spent their time acting in plays like Raja Harischandraand some plays they themselves had created. The plays had sufficient content of social protest to activate an awakened community of untouchables of Travancore state and the neighbouring states of Kochi and Malabar.

Ayyankali was married to Chellamma in 1888. They had seven sons and a daughter, Thankamma, whose husband T.T. Keshavan Shastri later served as the Speaker of the Kerala Assembly. The inhuman restrictions and sufferings faced by the people of the untouchable castes tormented Ayyankali’s mind from childhood itself. Despite his illiteracy, he was sociable and brave by nature. Hence, organising his peer groups every evening after the farm work, he discussed the afflictions faced by the untouchables for ages and constantly pondered over the way to break down these vicious social regulations. He came out after a month of contemplation, like a Buddha, with a sacred agenda—civil liberties for the untouchables. He embarked into action with the moral strength that the long period of contemplation endowed him with.

Villuvandi - Bullock Cart Struggle (Revolt)

In 1893, he designed and executed a new revolutionary movement well known as “Villuvandi Samaram” or the “Battle of the Bullock Cart” by bringing a bullock cart from Madras. According to the social norms of the time, only the Maharaja had the authority to ride the Bullock Cart. Over time, the upper-caste Namboodri Brahmins and Nairs also started enjoying the privilege of a bullock cart ride as part of displaying their status, dignity, pomp, and arrogance. While the upper-caste landlords were riding bullock carts, the untouchable caste serfs-cum-slaves wearing just loincloths had to run in front of and behind the carts. In such a society, Ayyankali bought a bullock cart, sturdy white bulls, decorated them with jingle bells, and sporting a new white dhoti shirt, shiny shawl, and white turban, and with a well-kempt thick moustache, ventured on the bullock cart ride.

With this single revolutionary action, the pomp, arrogance, status, and power, which had been bestowed only upon the upper caste for generations, were shattered. The action declared to the world that the castes which were prohibited from using public places, roads, and highways would have an equal right to use them and to roam freely in public places like other people. This action made the Indian caste society know the fact that the lower-caste people too could wear white and clean clothes and live a civilized life like the upper-caste people. Wearing a turban, shawl, and mustache conveyed the message that they were second to none and that they also had the courage and bravery to do so. The jingle bells on the necks of the bulls, making jingling sounds, seemed to have breathed life into the voices that were dumb for generations. Dressed in the attire that the upper castes wore traditionally, seating himself in the bullock cart and wielding a long dagger, travelling through the main road of Nedumangad city, which was the exclusive preserve of the upper castes, he reached the market square.

The hearts of the upper-caste landlords, hardened in the name of customs for generations, could not tolerate this action. They not only obstructed his odyssey but also brutally attacked and wounded him. However, the revolutionary action of Ayyankali boosted the courage and self-confidence of the untouchable castes and the people of other oppressed castes. By becoming a sensation in the Travancore district, it gave inspiration for revolts in all areas. The impact of the continuous resistance movements at times turned violent, of which the “Kazhakoottam” movements and the “Cheriar” riots are worth mentioning. Nevertheless, the slogan that government places, public squares, and roads should belong to all human beings was accepted by all. Struggles for the right to use such roads began in Malakkadu, Kazhakoottam, and Kaniyapuram areas, and situations arose where the upper-caste people had no other way but to agree. The main reason for this was that by 1890, the influence of the Pulaya movement had spread to all major cities. However, the ban on entry into temples continued.

Struggle for School Admission and the Establishment of SJPS

Ayyankali was illiterate. Since his childhood, he remained unlettered due to the school ban against his caste, and he was anxious that his next generations should study. In his opinion, rights should be achieved in three ways: 1) Seeking Government assistance. 2) Fighting against upper castes who denied their rights. 3) Achieving self-sufficiency on their own. So, he himself started a school in 1904 in Moganur for the untouchable Pulaya caste. He was able to start school but could not find teachers, as there were no educated people in the Pulaya caste. The average salary of a teacher was six rupees a month. Teachers willing to work in this Pulaya school could not be found despite offering a salary of nine rupees. Two reasons made his efforts to find teachers difficult: firstly, the lack of education among the Pulaya castes, and secondly, the threats held out by the upper castes against the prospective teachers. Eventually, a progressive youth of the Nair caste came forward to teach in the school.

This school did not have even a blackboard. So, the Avarna students had to practice writing alphabets in the sand with their fingers. The upper castes could not tolerate even this facility. Apart from harassing and physically assaulting the students, even the schoolteachers were threatened. Ultimately, unidentified individuals burnt down the school building. Ayyankali was forced to rebuild the school almost 5 times as the thugs burnt down the school repeatedly. Thus ended the history of the first school established for Dalits.

During the same period, getting acquainted with Ayyavu Swami (Sadananda Swami), a Hindu saint from the state of Madras, he formed the “Brahmanishtha Muth” and took part in Swami’s campaigns against social evils and universal equality. With the experience gained through the management of this monastery, he established the “Sadhujana Paripalana Sangham” (Docile People’s Protection Society) for the people of the untouchable castes in 1907.

The main motto behind SJPS was to bring together the Dalit Christians and people of all untouchable castes. SJPS was formed many years after Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (SNDP) of the backward caste (Theeya in North and Ezhava in South Kerala) wasformed. The similarities in the names make one feel that Ayyankali had in mind the coming together of all the oppressed and depressed segments of Travancore State’s social fabric. Confident, brave, and possessing commanding power, Ayyan Kali was the natural choice as the leader of SJPS. He started not as a leader of any particular caste but was aiming at the deliverance and protection of all Dalits.

All members must pay the membership fee. 2) Rule of a six-day workweek with Sunday off. On Sunday, a meeting would be held, problems discussed, and resolutions passed with appropriate solutions. 3) On behalf of the Sadhujana Administrative Society, a monthly magazine named “Sadhu Jana Paripalani” began its publication in 1907. It is said to be the first Dalit magazine, while the magazine “Oru Paisa Tamilan” by Iyothee Thass, established in the same year, was a weekly and mostly focused on Tamil, Dravidian culture, Buddhism, etc.

Since funds were required for building a community, he started mustering public support and funding for the SJPS, as well as for the construction of schools. Hindus and Christians also supported the program. At many places, however, the activities provoked anger among the upper castes, leading to tensions. The movement to join Pulaya girls into the school in Uruttambalam village led to tensions, and the school was burnt down. Despite the orders of the government to admit girls and boys of all castes into public schools without discrimination, upper-caste landlords and school principals were at the forefront of preventing untouchables from entering the schools on various pretexts. Even after the government officials visited every village and requested each school, admission was denied to the Avarnas in the schools under the control of upper-caste feudal lords and landlords.

The Travancore rulers had issued orders permitting Dalits and other outcasts into the schools run by the government following severe public pressure. But the upper castes were firmly opposed to this, and they used violence to stop lower-caste children from entering schools. That led to violent confrontations between these two forces. Such confrontations had been reported on a number of occasions, mainly during 1904–05, 1907–08, and 1913–14, according to historians like Dr. M. S. Jayaprakash and biographers of Ayyankali such as T. H. P. Chentharassery.

India’s First Agricultural Workers’ Strike

Frustrated with the behavior of the hardline fundamentalists, Ayyankali called for the historic strike of the agricultural laborers. He warned them with slogans such as, “No classroom - No Tilling”, “No Education for us is No Farming for you”, “If our kids are not allowed to enter your schools, your paddy fields will grow mere weeds.” The strike lasted intensely for months with the support of the Pulaya caste as well as other untouchable castes. With that enthusiasm, Ayyankali added a few more demands.

1. Jobs should be provided on a permanent basis.

2. Participants in the strike should not be victimized by being implicated in illegal cases.

3. Right to free movement for untouchables in villages like others.

The strike was further intensified as the landlords did not agree to admit all castes into the schools. Sometimes, the strikers were unable to get a place even to conduct their meetings. The Maharaja of Kochi, in the meanwhile, issued orders prohibiting such meetings in his “kingdom”. Under the leadership of Kalla Chamurikrishnadi Asan, the leader of the “Malaya Koodu” region, the Avarnas showed their mettle and perseverance by holding a meeting in boats on the sea behind Kochi harbor. In Kandala, Kaniyapuram, Pallichaka Muravupara, and Vizjom areas, not a single agricultural labourer went to work. Landlords who considered it inconsequential at the beginning understood the severity of the problem as time went by and the crops were to be harvested. However, the lands of the landlords left uncultivated as neither side gave up, and those landlords who tried to cultivate on their own suffered health problems. Thinking about the starving farm workers of his side, Ayyankali plunged into action. After consulting fishermen, he made alternative arrangements whereby one person in each Pulaya and other untouchable family should go fishing and share the catch with the fishermen and the members of the families on strike.

The landlords came to their senses as all their tactics failed and accepted all the demands of Ayyankali. An agreement was arrived at, whereby an increase in labour charges, admitting untouchable boys and girls into schools, and permission to access and use government social spaces and roads for all were agreed to. However, the frustrated landlords later conspired to assassinate Ayyankali by hiring gangsters from Bombay. However, “Ayyankali Sena” foiled their murder attempt.

Recognizing Ayyankali’s talent, the Maharaja nominated him as the representative of the untouchable castes in his assembly, the “Sree Mulam Praja Sabha” (SMPS, Sree Mulam Popular Assembly). As a Member of the Legislative Assembly, Sreemoolam, from 1911 for 28 years, Ayyankali was able to find solutions to many problems of the untouchable castes by bringing them to the attention of the government. In the areas of land, housing, school admissions (for students), and access for all into temples, roads, social spaces, etc., Ayyankali’s work, especially for the untouchable castes, has been significant.

Kallumala Samaram - The Stone Necklace Protest

In Kerala society, the oppressed castes were not allowed to move in the streets of the upper castes, and they did not have access to temples. The other, even worse, inhuman rules imposed on these untouchable castes were that they should not look at or speak to the upper castes, and their women should not wear gold and silver jewelry. Rather, jewelry made of stone, wood, or iron should be worn around the neck to indicate their caste and inferiority. This practice was highly inhuman and insulting. Thus, gathering the Pulayas of Cherimoodu and Kanje Veli areas, and women of other Dalit castes on October 24, 1915, in Perinadu of Kollum district, Ayyankali made them break the stone ornaments, wooden necklaces, and iron necklaces and throw them away. He also made them vow, ‘From now on, we will wear jewelry made of gold or other metals only.’

Establishment of People’s Courts

Due to ignorance, the people of the untouchable castes were often implicated in court cases, even leading to their imprisonment. So, Ayyankali started parallel courts to settle matters between the members of his community instead of going to the government courts. He wanted to make his people conversant with matters pertaining to law. The community courts had branches in each SJPS office and a ‘Supreme Court’ of which Ayyankali himself was the judge. Hearings were heard every Saturday.

The aim of these courts was also to mould the members of the community into orderly, law-abiding, and well-behaved people—the qualities which were considered part of education. The working of these courts was very much similar to the regular courts. Plaintiffs, defendants, clients, lawyers, guards, court clerks, etc., appointed by the Sadhujana Paripalana Sangham, with regular court-like procedures and policy structures, were also established.

The community court followed verbatim all the practices of the courts, and regular lawyers came to argue cases. Judgments, directives, and orders were sent to the branches of SJPS through Sepoys employed by the community courts. To arrest those breaking rules and to produce them before the courts, Warrant Sepoys were appointed along with Bench Clerks.

The court did not break any law. It was impartial and passed sentences on those proved guilty. The branch courts sent appeals against sentences to the community supreme court headed by Ayyankali himself. Thus, a parallel law and order machinery worked under the direction of Ayyankali. Though Ayyankali could neither read nor write, a writer named Keshavan, whom he helped educate, was employed as his private secretary to read out written matter and take dictation.

1914–15, the Year of the Pulaya Struggles

Malayala Year 1090, that is, the year 1914, was unforgettable in the history of the state of Kerala. The human rights movement under Ayyankali spread to all the four corners of the state. Gopaladasan in Kollam, Chakolakurumban in Aranmula, Vellikkara Chodi in Thiruvalla, Visakhan Tevan in Maelilkkara, Charaton Solomon in Kavalam, Seethangan Pambadi John Joseph, and Thiruvarpudi Kuttan in Kottayam, K.P. Kuruppa in Kochi, etc., intensified the movement. K.P. Kuruppan’s folk-play “Jatikkummi” inspired the people of the untouchable castes. The movements for human rights became a daily affair in one part or another of the state of Kerala, and many eventually tended to turn violent. Court cases became quite normal, and the courts always ruled against the accused of the untouchable castes. The years 1914–15 were recorded as the Years of Pulaya Struggles.

Temple Entry Movements

In 1917, Chakola Kurumbaan Deivathaan became a member of the Sreemoolam Praja Sabha. He led a historic procession of more than 2,000 Pulayas and forcibly entered the Chengannoor Temple. This was ten years before the famous Temple Entry Ordinance and could be considered the first Temple Entry Movement in the country.

A section of Pulaya converts into Christianity started a new movement under the leadership of Pambaadi John Joseph. When the number of Dalit Christians increased many fold, the Syrian Christians began to consider them as untouchables. They were thrown out of the churches; so, they built their own churches and chose their own padres. The unsavory experience with the Syrian Christians created sufficient mental agony in P. J. Joseph to submit a memorandum listing the misdoings of the Syrian Christian church to the British Parliament. Ultimately, Mr. Joseph began struggles against Hindu-Christian upper-caste domination within the church. Ayyankali gave full support to the struggle begun by P. J. Joseph. He not only collaborated with him on many fronts but also recommended his name to the government for being made a member of the legislative assembly.

Parallel to the Travancore State struggles, Kochi State also saw untouchables on the warpath. After the formation of the Pulaya Mahan Saba in 1913, they struggled and got social and economic benefits. The Temple Entry Proclamation was issued by Maharaja Chithira Thirunal Balarama Varma on November 12, 1936. The Proclamation abolished the ban on the so-called ‘low-caste people’ or avarnas from entering Hindu temples in the Princely State of Travancore.

The Chengannur temple entry movement led by Chakola Kurumban Devatan in 1917 is said to be the first temple entry movement. The next major one was the 1924 Vaikom Temple Entry Movement Satyagraha. Both these movements are said to have been worthy to be written in golden letters in the history of Kerala.

The SJPS (Sadhujana Paripalana Sangham) Activities

Meanwhile, Ayyankali gave more importance to activities in the field of education. In 1916, he established the Theeyankara Pulaya School, and in 1919, the Shankhumukham School for Christian converts, a night school at Manarkadu, a primary school at Venganoor, a weaving centre, and many other such establishments. Hundreds of offices of the Sadhu Jana Paripalana Sangham (SJPS) were turned into schools.

Ayyankali’s principal purpose was to provide education to the people of his community, thereby achieving development. That is why the motto of Ayyankali was, “Progress through education and organization.”

The SJPS (Sadhujana Paripalana Sangham) spread to every village in Travancore. Ayyankali handled the operations of the Sangha with great skill and ingenuity. Full powers were delegated to the executives of these activities. Women and children also participated in the meetings held every Sunday to discuss issues. At that time, Ayyankali’s was the only organization that worked as vigorously as the SNDP (Sree Narayana Guru Dharma Paripalana) founded by Narayana Guru.

The movement for entry into the Chengannur temple that began in 1917 under the auspices of Chakola Kurumban went on for long. Ten years after this struggle, the government issued temple entry orders. Ayyankali played a significant role in pressurising the government to issue an ordinance for temple entry. Observing the efforts of P. J. Joseph to convert the untouchables to Christianity, Ayyankali supported the movement, considering it as a movement against supremacist tendencies. After the formation of the Pulaya Mahasabha in 1913, human rights struggles intensified. As a result, K.P. Kuruppan was appointed as the (Assistant) Protector of the Depressed Classes.

Hearing about the struggles of Ayyankali, Gandhiji met him in his Kerala sojourn while touring the country in 1937. Gandhiji conversing while sitting next to Ayyankali, while the Savarnas were watching, became the topic of discussion at that time. On that occasion, when Ayyankali told Gandhiji that he wanted to see at least ten BA graduates before he died, Gandhiji was amazed at how intense the desire for education was among the Dalits. He told him that his desire would certainly be fulfilled. Despite being haunted by issues like aging and asthma, Ayyankali had not stopped his social service activities. If anyone who noticed his fighting prowess asked, ‘Why were you not taking part in the Freedom Struggle?’, pat came his volley of reply-like questions: “Who should I fight for? Who should I stand by?

“Should I stand by the British who educated us, taught us civilisation, and treated us as human beings? Or should I stand by these upper-caste Hindu people who are more evil than the British, treating us as untouchable, unseeable, unapproachable, and unworthy to be heard?”

However, Ayyankali encouraged the youth who were taking part in the independence movement. He emphasized that the Dalit representatives in the Legislative Assembly should first address their caste issues, work for a solution, and then only focus on other issues.

Conclusion

Ayyankali’s health started deteriorating. Asthma started troubling him. Yet, that did not prevent him from trying to get jobs for his people, many of whom had some education now. He started sending application after application and submitting petitions in the Praja Sabha for jobs. He pleaded for all communities at a time when the custom was for a member to speak on behalf of his own caste alone. Such a man, Mahatma Ayyankali, died on June 18, 1941, at the age of 78, succumbing to age-related health problems and asthma.

Kerala society has seen many revolutionaries and activists who have endeavoured to bring about significant changes in social life. But Ayyankali was undoubtedly an extraordinary revolutionary. Though shackled by inhuman traditions and customs, he rose to the highest ranks in society, became the leader of the untouchable castes in the state, and groomed many other state leaders. His feat would seem further incredible when we consider the nature of society of the times: a society without any human rights! A society that carelessly threw him away as a castaway! A society that deprived him of education and knowledge!

Claiming public places, marching on roads, temple entry movements, etc., through the “bullock cart” movement; rejecting caste-oriented ornaments through the Kallumala battle, he roared, “No School, No Plough”. He also declared a strike of agricultural laborers which went on for months. Spearheading such movements, he created a great stir in the Kerala society of the day. Though illiterate, his ability to persuade the people and the government to permit him to establish schools and run courts, etc., made Ayyankali stand as an undisputed leader.

That is why Manorajyam Weekly wrote an editorial about Ayyankali on February 14, 1979, praising him that he was “the first social reformer and revolutionary of Kerala” who raised the banner of freedom, equality, and self-respect. Congress leader A. P. Udaya Bhanu described Ayyankali as Yugapurush - “Man of the Millennium”. The Government of Kerala has declared Ayyankali Jayanti, August 28, as a public holiday. The Ayyankali Memorial Building was constructed at Chitrakoot in Venkanur. The office building of the SCST Development Department in Thrissur was named “Ayyankali Bhavan”. The Central Government has released a postage stamp commemorating Ayyankali. The Ayyankali Study Center was established by the Central University of Kerala at Kasaragod. Sadly, it took almost half a century for Ayyankali to get this recognition. Historians have ignored Mahatma Ayyankali with a conspiracy of silence and obscured his work and his reform movement. Historians have ignored Ayyankali’s concern and struggle for education. The Dalit community embraced his ideas and was inspired by his challenging struggles of self-respect, such as the bullock-cart ride in the main streets. Sadly, the educated historians of the dominant caste did not record these events at all.

That is why there is no clarity on the date of the “bullock-cart” movement, which is said to have taken place in 1893.²¹ Also, the first-ever pro-labour agricultural workers’ strike in the history of India, which went on for months together, did not get the publicity it deserved. The historians attempted to portray Ayyankali as the leader of a particular section of agricultural labourers, reducing his stature, instead of showing him as a social revolutionary of the state of Kerala, which is the real truth. But the situation has now changed. Hence, in the Ayyankali Memorial Lecture of 1980, the Communist leader E. M. S. Namboodiripad said that the struggle of the agricultural workers Ayyankali led in 1907–08 is the first in the history of the country, and it showed what the united strength of unorganized workers was. “Sri Ayyankali Trust” was formed under the leadership of K. P. Madhavan. The bronze statue of Ayyankali was brought to Kerala in a grand procession from Madras under the patronage of E. David. This statue was unveiled at Vellayambalam Square on November 10, 1980, by the then Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi. Kerala CM E. K. Nayanar hailed him as “the Heroic Leader of the revolution that aimed at the liberation of Kerala people from slavery”.

Sadly, today’s Dalit youth do not know that this freedom was achieved as a result of the sacrifices of many generations and the heroic struggles of many martyrs, though they know how to enjoy freedom. Only by sowing in them such a desire to know, will we be able to make them understand what their future and their responsibility in building it would be. For such an onerous purpose, the history of leaders like Ayyankali now needs to be studied more deeply and much more analytically.